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Charles André Joseph Marie de Gaulle () (22 November 1890 – 9 November 1970), in France commonly referred to as Général de Gaulle, was a French military leader and statesman. Prior to World War II, he was primarily known as an armoured warfare tactician and an advocate of the concentrated use of armoured and aviation forces. During World War II, he was the leader of the Free French government-in-exile and an anti-Nazi guerrilla leader; and in 1944 – 1946, following the liberation of France from German occupation, he was head of the French provisional government. Called to form a government in 1958, he inspired a new constitution1 and was the Fifth Republic's first president, serving from 1958 to 1969. His political ideology is known as Gaullism, and it has been a major influence in subsequent French politics. 1890&1912: Formative years Charles de Gaulle was the third child of a morally conservative but socially progressive Roman Catholic family. Born in Lille, de Gaulle grew up and was educated in Paris, at the College Stanislas and Belgium. His father's side of the family was a long line of aristocracy from Normandy and Burgundy which had been settled in Paris for about a century, whereas his mother's side was a family of rich entrepreneurs from the industrial region of Lille in French Flanders. The "de" in "de Gaulle" is not a nobiliary particle, although the de Gaulle family were an ancient family of ennobled knighthood. The earliest known de Gaulle ancestor was a squire of the 12th century King Philip Augustus. The name "de Gaulle" is thought to have evolved from a Germanic form, "De Walle," meaning "the wall." Most of the old French nobility descended from Frankish and Normannic Germanic lineages and often bore Germanic names. Although not strictly a nobiliary particle, the "de" in "de Gaulle" has for centuries been written with a lower-case d. De Gaulle's grandfather was a historian, his grandmother, a writer and his father a professor in private Catholic schools, who eventually founded his own private Catholic school. Political debates were frequent at home, and from an early age de Gaulle was introduced by his father to the important conservative authors. The family was very patriotic, and he was raised in the cult of the Nation (de Gaulle wrote in his memoirs that "my mother felt an uncompromising passion for the fatherland, equal to her religious piety"). Although traditionalist and monarchist, the family was also legalist and respected the institutions of the French Republic. Their social and political ideas were also more liberal, influenced by socially conscious Roman Catholicism (Rerum novarum), while morally and religiously the family was conservative. During the Dreyfus affair the family distanced itself from the more conservative nationalist circles and surprisingly supported Alfred Dreyfus. His family was a generous and encouraging one and they helped Charles de Gaulle throughout his life. 1912&1940: Military career
1940–1945: The Free French Forces
1946–1958: The desert crossing De Gaulle's opposition to the proposed constitution failed as the parties of the left supported a weak presidency to prevent any repetition of the Vichy regime. The second draft constitution narrowly approved at the referendum of October 1946 was even less to de Gaulle's liking than the first. In April 1947 de Gaulle made a renewed attempt at transforming the political scene with the creation of the Rassemblement du Peuple Français (Rally of the French People, or RPF), but the movement lost impetus after initial success. In May 1953 he withdrew again from active politics, though the RPF lingered until September 1955. He retired to Colombey-les-deux-Églises and wrote his war memoirs, Mémoires de guerre. During this period of formal retirement, de Gaulle however maintained regular contact with past political lieutenants from wartime and RPF days, including sympathisers involved in political developments in Algeria. 1958: The collapse of the Fourth Republic The Fourth Republic was tainted by political instability, failures in Indochina and inability to resolve the Algerian question. On 13 May 1958, settlers seized the government buildings in Algiers, attacking what they saw as French government weakness in the face of demands among the Arab majority for Algerian independence. A "Committee of Civil and Army Public Security" was created under the presidency of General Jacques Massu, a Gaullist sympathiser. General Raoul Salan, Commander-in-Chief in Algeria, announced on radio that the Army had "provisionally taken over responsibility for the destiny of French Algeria". Under the pressure of Massu, Salan declared "Vive de Gaulle!" from the balcony of the Algiers Government-General building on 15 May. De Gaulle answered two days later that he was ready to "assumer les pouvoirs de la République" (take on the powers of the Republic). Many worried as they saw this answer as support for the army. At a 19 May press conference, de Gaulle asserted again that he was at the disposal of the country. As a journalist expressed the concerns of some who feared that he would violate civil liberties, de Gaulle retorted vehemently: "Have I ever done that? Quite the opposite, I have reestablished them when they had disappeared. Who honestly believes that, at age 67, I would start a career as a dictator?" A republican by conviction, de Gaulle maintained throughout the crisis that he would accept power only from the lawfully constituted authorities. The crisis deepened as French paratroops from Algeria seized Corsica and a landing near Paris was discussed. Political leaders on all sides agreed to support the General's return to power, except François Mitterrand, and the Communist Party (which denounced de Gaulle as the agent of a fascist coup). Jean-Paul Sartre was quoted as saying "I would rather vote for God." On 29 May the French President, René Coty, appealed to the "most illustrious of Frenchmen" to become the last President of the Council (Prime Minister) of the Fourth Republic. De Gaulle remained intent on replacing the constitution of the Fourth Republic, which he blamed for France's political weakness. He set as a condition for his return that he be given wide emergency powers for six months and that a new constitution be proposed to the French people. On 1 June 1958, de Gaulle became premier and was given emergency powers for six months by the National Assembly. On 28 September 1958, a referendum took place and 79.2% of those who voted supported the new constitution and the creation of the Fifth Republic. The colonies (Algeria was officially a part of France, not a colony) were given the choice between immediate independence and the new constitution. All colonies voted for the new constitution except Guinea, which thus became the first French African colony to gain independence, at the cost of the immediate ending of all French assistance. De Gaulle described the role he envisaged for the French president when he wrote the new French constitution. He said a head of state should embody "the spirit of the nation" to the nation itself and to the world: une certaine idée de la France (a certain idea about France). 1958—1962: Founding of the Fifth Republic
1962&1968 Politics of grandeur With the Algerian conflict behind him, de Gaulle was able to achieve his two main objectives: To reform and develop the French economy, and to promote an independent foreign policy and a strong stance on the international stage. This was the so-called "politics of grandeur" (politique de grandeur). "Thirty glorious years" In the context of a population boom unseen in France since the 18th century, the government under prime minister Georges Pompidou oversaw a rapid transformation and expansion of the French economy. With dirigisme — a unique combination of capitalism and state-directed economy — the government intervened heavily in the economy, using indicative five-year plans as its main tool. High profile projects, mostly but not always financially successful, were launched: the extension of Marseille harbor (soon ranking third in Europe and first in the Mediterranean); the promotion of the Caravelle passenger jetliner (a predecessor of Airbus); the decision to start building the supersonic Franco-British Concorde airliner in Toulouse; the expansion of the French auto industry with state-owned Renault at its center; and the building of the first motorways between Paris and the provinces. With these projects, the French economy recorded growth rates unrivalled since the 19th century. In 1963, de Gaulle vetoed Britain's entry into the EEC for the first of two times. In 1964, for the first time in 200 years, France's GDP overtook that of the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Northern Ireland, a position it held until the 1990s. This period is still remembered in France with some nostalgia as the peak of the Trente Glorieuses ("Thirty Glorious Years" of economic growth between 1945-1974). The fourth nuclear power This strong economic foundation enabled de Gaulle to implement his independent foreign policy. In 1960, France became the fourth state to acquire a nuclear arsenal, detonating an atomic bomb in the Algerian desert. In 1968, at the insistence of de Gaulle, French scientists finally succeeded in detonating a hydrogen bomb without American assistance. In what was regarded as a snub to Britain, de Gaulle declared France was the third big independent nuclear power, as Britain's nuclear force was closely coordinated with that of the United States (though critics countered that this "independence" was an illusory luxury since France remained under the protection of the U.S. nuclear umbrella). While grandeur was surely an essential motive in these nuclear developments, another was the concern that the U.S., involved in an unpopular and costly war in Vietnam, would hesitate to intervene in Europe should the Soviet Union decide to invade. An additional effect was that the French military, which had been demoralised and close to rebellion after the loss of Algeria, was kept busy. In 1965, France launched its first satellite into orbit, being the third country in the world to build a complete delivery system, after the Soviet Union and the United States. China De Gaulle was convinced that a strong and independent France could act as a balancing force between the United States and the Soviet Union, a policy seen as little more than posturing and opportunism by his critics, particularly in Britain and the United States, to which France was formally allied. In January 1964, he officially recognized the People's Republic of China, despite U.S. opposition. (Eight years later, U.S. President Richard Nixon would begin to normalize relations with the PRC - see Nixon visit to China 1972). Indeed, Nixon's first foreign visit after his election was to de Gaulle in 1969. They both shared the same non-Wilsonian approach to world affairs, believing in nations and their relative strengths, rather than in ideologies, international organizations, or multilateral agreements. De Gaulle is famously quoted for calling the United Nations le Machin ("the thing"). Second round In December 1965, de Gaulle was returned as president for a second seven-year term, but for the first time had to go through a second round of voting in which he defeated François Mitterrand. In February 1966, France withdrew from the common NATO military command, but remained within the organization. De Gaulle, haunted by the memories of 1940, wanted France to remain the master of the decisions affecting it, unlike in the 1930s, when France had to follow in step with her British ally. Again though, the move was seen as further evidence of de Gaulle's hypocrisy; critics charged he was content for France to be protected by NATO, while publicly snubbing the alliance. In September 1966, in a famous speech in Phnom Penh (Cambodia), he expressed France's disapproval of the U.S. involvement in the Vietnam War; calling for a U.S. withdrawal from Vietnam as the only way to ensure peace. As the Vietnam War had its roots in French colonialism in southeast Asia, this speech did little to endear de Gaulle to the Americans, even if they later drew the same conclusion. Empty Chair Crisis During the establishment of the European Community, de Gaulle helped precipitate one of the greatest crises in the history of the EC called the Empty Chair Crisis. It involved the financing of the Common Agricultural Policy, but almost more importantly the use of qualified majority voting in the EC (as opposed to unanimity). In June of 1965, after France and the other five members could not agree, de Gaulle withdrew all of France's representatives from the EC. Their absence left the organization essentially unable to run its affairs until the Luxembourg compromise was reached in January 1966. De Gaulle managed to make QMV essentially meaningless for years to come, and halted more federalist plans for the EC, which he opposed. The Six Day War Having vetoed Britain's entry into the EEC a second time, in June 1967, he condemned the Israelis for their occupation of the West Bank and Gaza following the Six Days War. This was a major change in French policy. Until then, France had been a staunch ally, helping Israel militarily and jointly planning the Suez Campaign in 1956. This change was brought about because de Gaulle was angry that Israel had ignored his advice to let the Arabs attack first and had instead launched a preemptive strike. Under de Gaulle, following the independence of Algeria, France embarked on foreign policies more favorable to the Arab side, still a distinct aspect of French foreign policy today. Israel's leadership, stung by what it considered its capricious abandonment in the face of de Gaulle's desire to appease the Arabs, turned towards the United States for military support. Nigerian Civil War During Nigeria's civil war of 1967-1970, de Gaulle's government supported the Republic of Biafra in its struggle to gain independence from Nigeria. Despite lack of official recognition, de Gaulle provided covert military assistance through France's former African colonies. The United Kingdom opposed de Gaulle's stance, but he viewed the political position of the Igbo in Nigeria as analogous to that of the French Québécois living in Canada. Vive le Québec Libre! Main article: Vive le Québec libre speech In July 1967, de Gaulle visited Canada, which was celebrating its centennial with a world's fair, Expo '67. On 24 July, speaking to a large crowd from a balcony at Montreal's city hall, de Gaulle uttered Vive le Québec! (Long live Quebec!) then added, Vive le Québec libre! (Long live free Québec!). De Gaulle left Canada of his own accord the next day without proceeding to Ottawa as scheduled. The speech caused outrage in Canada; it led to a serious diplomatic rift between the two countries. However, the event was seen as a watershed moment by the Quebec sovereignty movement. In December 1967, claiming continental European solidarity, he again rejected British entry into the European Economic Community. Retrospect Many have commented that the "policy of grandeur" was probably too ambitious and heavy for the shoulders of France. This policy, it is argued, was only made possible by de Gaulle's resolve, and was not sustainable in the long run. In any case, it is still remembered in France as a defining era of modern French foreign policy, and it still largely inspires policy to this day. May 1968 De Gaulle's government, however, was criticized within France, particularly for its heavy-handed style. While the written press and elections were free, the state had a monopoly on television and radio broadcasts (though there were private stations broadcasting from abroad; see ORTF) and the executive occasionally told public broadcasters the bias that they desired on news. In many respects, society was traditionalistic and repressive, especially regarding the position of women. Many factors contributed to a general weariness of sections of the public, particularly the student youth, which led to the events of May 1968. The huge demonstrations and strikes in France in May 1968 were a big challenge to de Gaulle's presidency. He briefly fled to Baden-Baden and met Massu, now French commander in Germany (to discuss possible army intervention against the protesters, according to popular unofficial accounts). But de Gaulle offered to accept some of the reforms the demonstrators sought. He again considered a referendum to support his moves, but Pompidou persuaded him to dissolve parliament (in which the government had all but lost its majority in the March 1967 elections) and hold new elections instead. The June 1968 elections were a major success for the Gaullists and their allies; when shown the spectre of revolution or even civil war, the majority of the country rallied to him. His party won 358 of 487 seats. Pompidou was suddenly replaced by Maurice Couve de Murville in July. 1969 - Retirement Charles de Gaulle resigned the presidency on 28 April 1969, following the defeat of his referendum to transform the Senate (upper house of the French parliament, wielding less power than the National Assembly) into an advisory body while giving extended powers to regional councils. Some said this referendum was a self-conscious political suicide committed by de Gaulle after the traumatizing events of May 1968. As in 1946, de Gaulle refused to stay in power without widespread popular support. 1970 - A humble death He retired once again to Colombey-les-Deux-Églises, where he died suddenly in 1970, two weeks before his 80th birthday, in the middle of writing his memoirs. In perfect health until then, it was reported that as he had finished watching the evening news on television and was sitting in his armchair he suddenly said "I feel a pain here", pointing to his neck, just seconds before he fell unconscious due to an aneurysmal rupture. Within minutes, he was dead. His last wish was a final slap to the establishment and protocol. He specifically asked to be buried in Colombey, and that no presidents or ministers attend his funeral, only his Compagnons de la Libération. Heads of state had to content themselves with a simultaneous service at Notre-Dame Cathedral. He also specified that his tombstone bear the simple inscription of his full name and his dates of birth and death, therefore it now simply says: "Charles de Gaulle, 1890-1970". Unlike many other politicians, he died nearly destitute, and his family had to sell the Boisserie residence. It was purchased by a foundation and is currently the Charles de Gaulle Museum. Private life Charles de Gaulle married Yvonne Vendroux ("Tante Yvonne") on 7 April 1921. They had 3 children: Philippe (born 1921), Elisabeth (1924), who married general Alain de Boissieu, and Anne (1928 - 1948). Anne had Down syndrome and died at 20. One of Charles de Gaulle's grandsons, Charles de Gaulle, was a member of the European Parliament from 1994 to 2004, his last tenure being for the National Front. Another grandson, Jean de Gaulle, is a member of the French Parliament. Retrospect Though controversial throughout his political career, not least among ideological opponents on the left and among overseas strategic partners, de Gaulle continues to command enormous respect in France, where his presidency is seen as a return to political stability and to strength on the international stage. To his admirers, he was the epitome of a roi juste ("just king")—the embodiment of the qualities of a just and righteous ruler. De Gaulle's new constitution for the Fifth Republic satisfied a lingering feeling for a strong, central, singular political position, harking back to the monarchy, connected, however, to a democratic system. De Gaulle's opponents saw his constitution as nothing but a recasting of the old—a caesaropapism, with the president wielding almost monarchical powers like those under the ancien regime. Nevertheless, the system of the Fifth Republic (une certaine idée de la France) has proven remarkably stable, compared to that of the previous, Fourth Republic, notwithstanding constitutional changes since its implementation. Domestically, for all the flaws in de Gaulle's approach, he presided over a return to economic prosperity after an initially sluggish postwar performance, while maintaining much of the social contract evolved in previous decades between employers and labour. The associated dirigisme (state economic interventionism) of the Fifth Republic's early decades remains at odds with the current trend of western economic orthodoxy; yet those decades coincided with unprecedented growth and much-improved standards of living for the French population. De Gaulle's presidential style of government was continued under his successors. Internationally, the emphasis on French independence which so characterised de Gaulle's policy remains a keystone of foreign policy, together with his alignment with former rival Germany, still seen in both countries as a foundation for European integration. France's largest airport, in Roissy, outside Paris was named Charles de Gaulle International Airport in his honor. (See Things named after Charles de Gaulle.) French editions English translations De Gaulles Second Government, 21 December 1945 - 26 January 1946 De Gaulles Third Ministry, 9 June 1958 - 8 January 1959 Changes See also | |||||||||||||
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